Zach Kinster  

Gies , Frances , and Joseph Gies. “The Impact of the Black Death.” Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages. New York : Harper and Row, Inc, 1987: 223-234.  

This chapter, “The Impact of the Black Death,” begins by providing quotes from people who lived through the Black Death.  These express the sadness and distress of the outbreaks, as well as the wonder of what is to happen next.  The Gies’ purpose in this chapter is to argue that, while the “Black Death has remained the foremost historic example of human calamity” (226), the populations of many places had already been stopped or even reversed prior to the plague, and that “the stunning shock did not bring the world to a halt” (226-7). They begin by providing evidence from various cities that show declines in populations in the years before the Black Death.  This is most likely due to the overpopulation of many villages and because of famine and smaller epidemics.  Even with such a great loss of people, “in the end [the Black Death] had a positive effect on the economy” (228) in many places, specifically their example town of Impruneta , Italy .  The Gies’ indicate a discrepancy between the Black Death and earlier losses, stating that while earlier famine killed a majority of poorer families, “the plague wrought its havoc even-handedly among rich and poor” (229).  They suggest through other evidence that the Black Death took children more often than it did adults. In some places, such as Halesowen , England , life “returned almost uncannily to normal. No social turmoil followed” (229).  This town succeeded because the villagers had organized their survivors into better groups and built hedges to enclose their cattle, reducing herdsmen’s labor.  Many places recovered differently, but recovered nonetheless.  This wasn’t always the case, however, as Jean de Venette said, “The world was not changed for the better but for the worse [...] men were more avaricious [...] more covetous and disturbed each other more frequently with suits, brawls, disputes, and pleas” (231).  The Gies’ give other examples of increasing violence after the Black Death, as well as the increase in litigation pertaining to land.  One town in particular saw “a disturbed atmosphere hang[ing] over the village” (231). They write that social turmoil came about when peasants’ expectations conflicted with the lords’ desire to “repeal the effects of the Black Death” (232).  Once this was suppressed, however, the situation allowed the landless peasants to demand better pay, but also demand it in a daily wage instead of annually, and in the form of money instead of food.  “Armed with a little cash, a landless peasant might lease a field and plant a crop” (232).  These changes reduced the commitment to holding family lands and made for a better agricultural economy, which was a great advantage for peasant families. The Black Death also influenced marriage customs, decreasing the average age of marrying couples.  The birth rate was stimulated yet infant mortality remained high, which deemphasized sexual restraint.  All told, the Gies’ show how the Black Death, along with other earlier factors, contributed immensely to changes in family, economy, society, and relationships.  

Frances and Joseph Gies have put together a chapter that provides a slightly different perspective on the effects of the Black Death.  Possibly co-authoring this book has given them a tendency to focus on the aspects of family and marriage after the plague,not usually a central idea to most works pertaining to the Black Death, so the information proves to be even more useful, as it is relatively rare.  They answer their thesis well, and do so while providing much evidence.  The Gies’ give many examples, clearly noting their implications to society and showing that, while the Black Death changed several aspects of life, some of these were already in motion prior to its onslaught.

 

Gottfried, Robert S. “The Immediate Consequences.” The Black Death: Natural and Human Disaster in Medieval Europe . New York : The Free Press, 1983: 77-82.  

In the first section of his chapter, “The Immediate Consequences,” Gottfried argues that a change in human behavior and psychology was the first and most obvious outcome to the Black Death.  People’s everyday lives shifted dramatically, as he says “when plague came, peasants no longer ploughed, merchants closed their shops, and some, if not all, churchmen stopped offering last rites” (78).  He goes on, using Boccaccio’s Decameron to support his thesis.  The selected passage explains the many ways people dealt with the Black Death, “thinking and caring for nobody but themselves” (79), and concluding that the disease sickened everyone equally and did not discriminate between the groups.  Gottfried states that Boccaccio’s characters equated qualities such as “wit and cleverness” (79) to success, rather than the “piety, martial or mechanical skills, [and] scholarly intelligence” (79) of the past, and that the “rewards and triumph went to the active, to those who helped themselves” (79). As an important implication of the psychological change in medieval society, Gottfried says that “much of the old corporate cooperation and camaraderie were swept away, replaced in many cases by a strong strain of individualism” (80).  He later says that this “individualism generally was directed towards self-aggrandizement and the pursuit of leisure and pleasure” (80).  Other changes to the human psyche were the increasing sense of temporal urgency felt by all, and the intensified “preoccupation with death, judgment, heaven, and hell” (82), a social anxiety of salvation that churchmen failed to alleviate.  Overall, society made an extremely marked change in both behavior and psychology as a direct result of the Black Death.           

Gottfried writes in a manner that is quite easy to read and comprehend, as very few words were found that a half-semester of European Civilization has not already defined.  The text is full of information and support, which are clearly stated and discussed.  One enjoyable aspect of Gottfried’s writing is his relative brevity on any given idea; he does not spend pages examining every minute detail of his point.  He instead provides the needed information, a paragraph or two in direct support, and occasionally a loosely related point, leaving the reader some time and space to think on his idea and form his or her own opinion.  Gottfried also uses a large amount of literature written about the Black Death to support his ideas, which provides another perspective to the situation. A criticism one might find with this passage is that none of the consequences he explores are gender related; it seems implied that if not related to both genders, the mentioned outcomes of the Black Death were solely male-based.  Specific implications for the females of this time could possibly have been overlooked because of the book’s male authorship.  Despite these gender concerns, the article was well organized and informative as it presented and proved its argument clearly and with all necessary facts and support.

 

Platt, Colin. “Protest and Revolution.” King Death: The Black Death and its Aftermath in Late-medieval England . Toronto : University of Toronto Press, 1996. 121-135.  

In his chapter Protest and Resolution, Platt argues that, following the Black Death, there are three common elements in the disputes between the people.  These elements are: the angered reactions of the priors and landowners, the equaled anger of their tenants who clung to their rights, and finally, the complete collapse of law and order. Platt writes of several different instances of historical happenings to show the reactions of the people.  He looks at the Peasants’ Revolt, describing the reasons for the revolt as less related to the economic pressures on the poor, but more as a general demand with a political focus.  He also looks at the rise in crime and the courts’ struggles with it, the popularity of Robin Hood to express the peasants’ desire for freedom, and other speakers, such as John Ball, who rallied the common people to demand equality.  Platt goes on, describing individual situations based on the stories of royalty and the changes that took place in specific cities. He concludes on an odd note, with a quote from the Bible, “The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be . . . and there is no new thing under the sun” (135).  

Though, for the most part, he proved his thesis to be correct, Platt’s text feels quite devoid of any real thought or speculation.  The several examples that were given provided the needed examples to reveal his three elements of disputes, but never extended farther than the basic historical account.  It seemed as though he expected the stories to speak for themselves, which was not entirely out of the question for some. Given such isolated instances of change, however, it is hard to derive any solid notion of an actual shift in society.  In a sense, Platt shows only the facts of certain matters, leaving the difficult questions to his readers.

 

Wheelis, Mark. “Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa.” Emerging Infectious Diseases 8.9 (2002): 971-975. October 2003 <http://newfirstsearch.oclc.org>.  

In his article Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa, Wheelis argues that the story of biological warfare being used at Caffa is quite plausible, but likely unimportant in the overall spread of the Black Death to the rest of Europe.  He begins by providing historical background information on the Black Death, the Siege of Caffa, and Gabriele de’ Mussi.  The plague’s origins, he says, are still unknown.  Though there are many opinions, they are all in conflict with each other and present no conclusive factual evidence.  The city of Caffa was thriving, living behind walls, before they were attacked in 1343.  De’ Mussi was likely not present at the siege in 1346, but had access to eyewitness accounts.  Wheelis provides the first-hand narrative de’ Mussi wrote on the Siege of Caffa and spread of the plague.  He extracts two key points from the text that he wishes to explore: that the plague was given to Caffa by the catapulting of infected cadavers, and that those who fled from Caffa spread the disease. Wheelis argues that the technology of the time would allow for the hurling of dead bodies into the city, and was probably not the first instance of armies attempting to spread disease in this manner.  These cadavers would have easily transmitted the Black Death to those who came into contact with them.  It appears that many people attempted to throw the bodies into the ocean, which would have transferred the disease.  An alternate hypothesis was transmission into the city by rats, which Wheelis proves to be illogical.  He also argues that those fleeing from Caffa undoubtedly spread the disease, but proves that they were inconsequential to the spread of the plague to the rest of Europe .  Concluding, Wheelis says that while this event likely occurred, it would have served little purpose to the spread of Black Death, but still serves as a strong reminder to the modern world of the grave consequences of biological warfare.  

This article is a well-written and persuasive discussion of the initial stages of what proved to be one of the biggest disasters in history.  Wheelis takes an interesting look at the story of cadavers being catapulted into Caffa, which has been regarded as both fact and legend, and seeks to find historical proof of its occurrence.  He also poses the question of whether or not the fleeing inhabitants of Caffa were responsible for bring the plague to the rest of the world.  He provides good support for both ideas, citing historical documents and the acknowledged technology available at the time.  His care in detailing the historical background of Caffa and their battle proved to be very helpful and necessary to fully understand the arguments he was pursuing. Wheelis is Senior Lecturer in Microbiology at the University of California , Davis .  It is helpful to realize that his interests lie in the history and control of biological weapons and not the Black Death in particular.  As evident in this article, he was not necessarily writing this essay to shed new light on the origins of the plague, but to describe one of the earliest instances of biological warfare in known history.  While he did manage to give a new perspective on the spread of the Black Death, and possibly closure to those wondering at the validity of the cadaver story, the conclusion leads the reader to believe that Wheelis is more interested in the connections that can be made to the biological warfare threats present in today’s society.

 

Ziegler, Philip. “The Effects on the Church and Man’s Mind.” The Black Death. New York : Harper Torchbooks, 1971 [1969]: 259-279.  

Ziegler’s chapter, The Effects on the Church and Man’s Mind, covers exactly that: the ways in which the Black Death changed people’s perspectives on the Church and religion, as well as themselves.  He feels strongly that “any history of the Black Death which ignore[s] its impact on the minds of its victims would be notably incomplete” (259), and thus constructs a solid thesis, stating that “no one can live through a catastrophe so devastating and so inexplicable without retaining for ever the scars of his experience” (259). To begin, Ziegler shows how firmly a man’s mental and moral heath was tied to the Church.  This then leads to the Church letting the man down during the Black Death, “a direct blow to [a man’s] own morale” (259).  Matters worsened as the diligently working priests of the time worked to serve last rites, only to be served the Black Death, generally leaving the worst of the clergy and killing off those truest to their faith.  The great mortality of the clergy also reversed the perception as having “a touch of the superhuman” (260), and this esteem would only dwindle in the coming years.  This is not to say that society was less religious, as “chantry chapels” (267) began popping up all over England .  Many, especially the rich, were willing to give charity to the Church, which they saw as “the dyke which held back the flood of anarchic insurrection” (268). Focusing next on the individual, Ziegler quotes a long passage from Matteo Villani, which describes in detail the new mindsets of the survivors.  He then writes, “The crime rate soared; blasphemy and sacrilege was a commonplace; the rules of sexual morality were flouted; [and] the pursuit of money became the be-all and end-all of people’s lives” (271).  To sum it up further, he says that “the Black Death was followed by an immediate and sharp decline in public morality” (271).  Moreover, he argues that the Black Death increased mistrust between social classes.  Ziegler continues to make several invaluable points about the transforming perceptions and sense of identities the people of this time endured.  He concludes with a metaphor linking European society with “Poor Tom,” who survived, but “was never to be quite the same again” (279).  

Ziegler is quite a ‘dense’ writer, meaning he puts an abundance of ideas into a smaller space than usual.  He supports his ideas well in the text, support that generally originates from other texts, and makes several interesting points.  In making many of these interesting points, however, he often comes across as very opinionated and occasionally even condescending in the presentation of what he seems to consider quite superior ideas.  This, in turn, creates a more lively reading experience, regardless of one’s position for or against the stated opinions.  Ziegler pushes the reader through the text by way of his alternate perspectives, which he is exceedingly persuasive in delivering. Further understanding of Ziegler’s basis for writing this book can be found in the Preface, where he states that “this book contains virtually no original research” (9).  In writing this piece, Ziegler was trying to amass all he knew and could find out about the Black Death into one single text that was both readable and comprehensive.  He writes not with the professional historian in mind, but the academic historian, wishing only to provoke them and engage them “in a major work of scholarship, [as] then it will have served a useful purpose” (10).